the international order to create a world conducive to their highly personalized and repressive
type of autocracy.
Their pursuit of this vision is complicated by several factors. The PRC’s assertive behavior has
caused other countries to push back and defend their sovereignty, for their own, legitimate
reasons. The PRC also retains common interests with other countries, including the
United States, because of various interdependencies on climate, economics, and public health.
Russia’s strategic limitations have been exposed following its war of aggression against Ukraine.
Moscow also has some interest in cooperation with countries that do not share its vision,
especially in the global south. As a result, the United States and our allies and partners have an
opportunity to shape the PRC and Russia’s external environment in a way that influences their
behavior even as we compete with them.
Some parts of the world are uneasy with the competition between the United States and the
world’s largest autocracies. We understand these concerns. We also want to avoid a world in
which competition escalates into a world of rigid blocs. We do not seek conflict or a new Cold
War. Rather, we are trying to support every country, regardless of size or strength, in exercising
the freedom to make choices that serve their interests. This is a critical difference between our
vision, which aims to preserve the autonomy and rights of less powerful states, and that of our
rivals, which does not.
Cooperating to Address Shared Challenges in an Era of Competition
Heightened competition between democracies and autocracies is just one of two critical trends
we face. The other is shared challenges—or what some call transnational challenges—that do not
respect borders and affect all nations. These two trends affect each other—geopolitical
competition changes, and often complicates, the context in which shared challenges can be
addressed while those problems often exacerbate geopolitical competition, as we saw with the
early phases of the COVID-19 pandemic when the PRC was unwilling to cooperate with the
international community. We cannot succeed in our competition with the major powers who
offer a different vision for the world if we do not have a plan to work with other nations to deal
with shared challenges and we will not be able to do that unless we understand how a more
competitive world affects cooperation and how the need for cooperation affects competition. We
need a strategy that not only deals with both but recognizes the relationship between them and
adjusts accordingly.
Of all of the shared problems we face, climate change is the greatest and potentially existential
for all nations. Without immediate global action during this crucial decade, global temperatures
will cross the critical warming threshold of 1.5 degrees Celsius after which scientists have
warned some of the most catastrophic climate impacts will be irreversible. Climate effects and
humanitarian emergencies will only worsen in the years ahead—from more powerful wildfires
and hurricanes in the United States to flooding in Europe, rising sea levels in Oceania, water
scarcity in the Middle East, melting ice in the Arctic, and drought and deadly temperatures in
sub-Saharan Africa. Tensions will further intensify as countries compete for resources and
energy advantage—increasing humanitarian need, food insecurity and health threats, as well as
the potential for instability, conflict, and mass migration. The necessity to protect forests
globally, electrify the transportation sector, redirect financial flows and create an energy
revolution to head off the climate crisis is reinforced by the geopolitical imperative to reduce our
collective dependence on states like Russia that seek to weaponize energy for coercion.
NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY
9
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