contributions to NATO capabilities and readiness—including by strengthening defensive forces
and capabilities, and upholding our long-standing commitment to extended deterrence—we will
count on our Allies to continue assuming greater responsibility by increasing their spending,
capabilities, and contributions. European defense investments, through or complementary to
NATO, will be critical to ensuring our shared security at this time of intensifying competition.
We stand behind NATO’s continued adaptation to modern security challenges, including its
emphasis on defense in cyberspace, climate security, and the growing security risks presented by
the PRC’s policies and actions.
America maintains our fundamental commitment to the pursuit of a Europe that is whole, free,
and at peace. Russia’s further invasion of Ukraine poses a grave threat to this vision, which is
why we are determined to support Ukraine in defending its sovereignty and territorial integrity
while imposing severe costs on Moscow for its aggression. We have supported Ukraine with
security, humanitarian, and financial assistance. We have joined with allies and partners in
Europe and around the globe to impose sanctions and export controls that will degrade Russia’s
ability to wage future wars of aggression. We have partnered with the European Commission on
an ambitious plan to reduce Europe’s dependence on Russian fossil fuels, strengthen European
energy security, and advance shared climate goals. Across these efforts, the EU—an integrated
market of over 450 million people—is an indispensable partner, and we support efforts to foster
EU unity. We also encourage close cooperation on matters of mutual interest between the EU
and the United Kingdom. In addition, we underscore our support for the Good Friday Agreement
which is the bedrock of peace, stability, and prosperity in Northern Ireland.
As we support Ukraine, we will also work to enhance the stability and resilience of other
democracies. We will support the European aspirations of Georgia and Moldova and their
commitment to important institutional reforms. We will assist partners in strengthening
democratic institutions, the rule of law, and economic development in the Western Balkans. We
will back diplomatic efforts to resolve conflict in the South Caucasus. We will continue to
engage with Turkey to reinforce its strategic, political, economic, and institutional ties to the
West. We will work with allies and partners to manage the refugee crisis created by Russia’s war
in Ukraine. And, we will work to forestall terrorist threats to Europe. Elsewhere in Eurasia, we
will continue to support the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Central Asia.
We will foster efforts to enhance resilience and democratic development in the five countries in
this region. We will continue to work through the C5+1 diplomatic platform (Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and the United States) to advance
climate adaptation, improve regional energy and food security, enhance integration within the
region, and build greater connectivity to global markets.
Though rooted in transatlantic strength and stability, our agenda with European allies and
partners is global. We will work with the EU to strengthen trade, investment, and technological
cooperation grounded in shared democratic values—promoting an open and inclusive global
economy, setting high standards for trade, ensuring fair competition, supporting labor rights,
driving decarbonization, fighting corruption, and protecting our innovations from uses that run
counter to our interests and values. Through the G7, we will work with France, Germany, Italy,
and the United Kingdom to galvanize international cooperation on the world’s most pressing
challenges. We will jointly defend human rights, whether in Belarus or Xinjiang. To enact this
ambitious agenda, we will deepen our strategic alignment—consulting regularly, sharing
information and intelligence, and acting together.
NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY
39
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