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Annex B
of sovereignty as equivalent to the domaine réservé protected by the duty of
non-intervention.115
44. The U.S. position is murkier. In 2014, then-legal adviser Harold Koh indicated that “State sovereignty . . . must be taken into account in the conduct of
activities in cyberspace, including outside of the context of armed conflict.”116
It is not clear, however, whether taking “State sovereignty . . . into account”
signals U.S. recognition of sovereignty as a standalone rule. In his own speech
in 2016, then-Legal Adviser Brian Egan made clear that “remote cyber operations involving computers or other networked devices located on another
State’s territory do not constitute a per se violation of international law.”117
At the same time, he conceded that ‘[i]n certain circumstances, one State’s
non-consensual cyber operation in another State’s territory could violate international law, even if it falls below the threshold for the use of force.” In any
case, Egan indicated that “[p]recisely when a non-consensual cyber operation
violates the sovereignty of another State is a question lawyers within the U.S.
government continue to study carefully, and it is one that ultimately will be
resolved through the practice and opinio juris.”118 This might suggest that the
United States may accept the idea of sovereignty-as-rule in principle, albeit
without much clarity on its contours or contents. Most recently, the General
Counsel for the U.S. Department of Defense declined to adopt this view: “[f ]
or cyber operations that would not constitute a prohibited intervention or
use-of-force [i.e., those that might be covered by a rule of sovereignty], the
Department believes there is not sufficiently widespread and consistent State
practice resulting from a sense of legal obligation to conclude that customary
international law generally prohibits such non-consensual cyber operations
in another State’s territory.”119
See note 98.
116
Koh, supra note 1, at 596; Accord 2014 US GGE Submission, supra note 1, at 737; 2016 US
GGE Submission, supra note 1, at 825.
117
Egan, supra note 1, at 818. Among other things, Egan indicated that the United States
does engage in intelligence collection activities overseas and that such activities may violate the domestic laws of other States, but that there is no “per se prohibition on such
activities under customary international law.” Id.
118
Id. at 819.
119
See Paul C. Ney, DOD General Counsel Remarks at U.S. Cyber Command Legal Conference (March 2, 2020), at https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Speeches/Speech/Article/2099378/dod-general-counsel-remarks-at-us- cyber-command-legal-conference/. It is
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Inter-American Juridical Committee
45. A discussion among 16 Member States’ representatives under “Chatham
House rules”120 on June 23, 2020 reinforced the current diversity of viewpoints
on the sovereignty question. Several participants called for affirming the
“sovereignty-as-rule” view for cyberspace, violations of which would trigger
international legal responsibility. Others, however, expressed more skepticism
about the value of such efforts; one participant suggested that there may be
too many meanings for the term “sovereignty” to ascribe it a rule-like status.
Another participant viewed the “sovereignty debate as a distraction” while a
third explicitly suggested a need to “rethink” its meaning in the cyber context.
Question 9
Does due diligence qualify as a rule of international law that States
must follow in exercising sovereignty over the information and communication technologies in their territory or under the control of
their nationals?
46. Due diligence is a principle of international law that requires a State to
respond to activities that it knows (or reasonably should know) have originated
in its territory or other areas under its control and that violate the right(s) of
another State.121 It is an obligation of effort, not result – where a State knows
or should know of the conduct, it must employ “all means reasonably available”
to redress it.122 As a principle, due diligence currently regulates State behavior
not clear, however, whether Ney was expressing views for the United States as a whole, or,
if the position was just that of the U.S. military, an ambiguity that also exists with respect to
the French Ministry of Defense Views. See supra note 101.
120
Chatham House, Chatham House Rule, at https://www.chathamhouse.org/chathamhouse-rule (“When a meeting, or part thereof, is held under the Chatham House Rule, participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation
of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed.”).
121
See, e.g., Corfu Channel Case; Assessment of Compensation (United Kingdom v. Albania)
[1949] ICJ Rep. 22 (April 9). Trail Smelter Case (United States-Canada), UNRIAA, vol. III, 1905
(1938, 1941).
122
See Application of the Convention on the Protection and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Bosnia v. Serbia) (Judgment) [2007] ICJ Rep. 1, 430.
International Law and State Cyber Operations
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